What happened to Dzhokhar Dudayev. Could the rebel General Dzhokhar Dudayev survive?

Dzhokhar Musaevich Dudayev(Chech. Dudagaeran Musan ZhovkhӀar; February 15, Yalkhoroy - April 21, Gekhi-chu) - Chechen politician, leader of the 1990s movement for the separation of Chechnya from Russia, the first president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (-). In the past - Major General of Aviation, the only [ ] Chechen general in the Soviet Army. Member of the CPSU since 1968. Generalissimo CRI (1996) .

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Biography

Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaisky, Galanchozhsky district of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR (now the Achkhoy-Martanovsky district of the Chechen Republic). He was the youngest, thirteenth child of Musa and Rabiat Dudayev, he had three brothers and three sisters and four brothers and two half-sisters (children of his father from a previous marriage). Johar's father was a veterinarian.

The exact date of Dzhokhar’s birth is unknown: during the deportation, all documents were lost, and due to the large number of children, parents could not remember all the dates (Alla Dudayeva in her book “ Million one: Dzhokhar Dudayev” writes that the year of birth of Dzhokhar could be 1943, not 1944). Dzhokhar was a native of the taip Tsechoy from the Tati nekyo clan. His mother Rabiat was a native of the Nashkhoy taip, from Khaibakh. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR during the mass deportation of Chechens and Ingush in February 1944.

According to the Russian political scientist Sergey Kurginyan, in exile the Dudayev family adopted the Viskhadzhi vird (a religious brotherhood established by Vis-Khadzhi Zagiev) of the Kadyrian persuasion of Sufi Islam:

Kadiriyya received a particularly strong impetus for development after the deportation of Chechens to Kazakhstan in 1944. In the 1950s, in the Tselinograd region of the Kazakh SSR, among the Chechens evicted there, the youngest and most radical vird of Kadiriyya was formed - the vird of Vis-Khadzhi Zagiyev. During the exile to Kazakhstan of the Dudayev family (she returned only in 1957), Dzhokhar's elder brother - Bekmuraz - joined the vird of Vis-Khadzhi Zagiyev. Today, Bekmuraz is a member of the group of ustazes (mentors) of this vird. Dzhokhar Dudayev staked on this youngest and largest vird of the Qadiri Tariqat in Chechnya. The Council of Elders was formed mainly from the vird of Vis-Khadzhi Zagiyev and other virds of Qadiriyya. The Ustazes of Nakshbandiyya were declared a "hornet's nest of the KGB", and the followers of Vis-Khadji Zagiyev were declared the purest supporters of the national idea.

When Dzhokhar was six years old, Musa died, which had a strong impact on his personality: his brothers and sisters studied poorly, often skipped school, while Dzhokhar studied well and was even elected head of the class.

After some time, the Dudayevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transferred to Shymkent, where Dzhokhar studied until the sixth grade, after which in 1957 the family returned to their homeland and settled in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician in SMU-5, at the same time he studied in the 10th grade of evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics, but after the first year he secretly left Tambov from his mother, where, after listening to a annual course of lecture on profile training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Aviation School of pilots named after M. M. Raskova (-1966) (since the Chechens were then tacitly equated with enemies of the people, upon admission, Dzhokhar had to lie that he was Ossetian, however, while receiving a diploma with honors, he insisted that his real origin be entered in his personal file).

In 1988, he made a sortie to the western regions of Afghanistan aboard a Tu-22MZ bomber from the 185th Long-Range Aviation Heavy Bomber Aviation Regiment (Poltava), introducing the method of carpet bombing of enemy positions. Dudayev himself has always denied the fact of his active participation in hostilities against the Islamists in Afghanistan.

According to the memoirs of Galina Starovoitova, in January 1991, during Boris Yeltsin's visit to Tallinn, Dudayev provided Yeltsin with his car, in which Yeltsin returned from Tallinn to Leningrad.

On June 20, 1997, a memorial plaque was erected in Tartu on the building of the Barclay Hotel in memory of Dudayev.

Start of political activity

In March 1991, Dudayev demanded the self-dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Republic. In May, the retired general accepts an offer to return to Checheno-Ingushetia and lead the growing social movement. On June 9, 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev was elected chairman of the Executive Committee of the OKChN (National Congress of the Chechen People), into which the former executive committee of the Chechen People was transformed. From that moment, Dudayev, as the head of the Executive Committee of the OKCHN, began the formation of parallel authorities in the Chechen-Ingush ASSR, stating that the deputies of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR "did not justify the trust" and declaring them "usurpers".

President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

On October 27, 1991, presidential elections were held in Checheno-Ingushetia, which were won by Dzhokhar Dudayev, who received 90.1% of the vote. By his first decree, Dudayev proclaimed the independence of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic Ichkeria (CHRI) from the RSFSR and the USSR, which was not recognized by either the allied or Russian authorities, or by any foreign states, except for the partially recognized Islamic Emirate Afghanistan (already after the death of Dudayev). On November 2, the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR declared the elections invalid, and on November 7, Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued a decree on the introduction of a state of emergency in Chechen-Ingushetia, but it was never implemented, since the Soviet Union still existed, and the security forces were in formal subordination not Yeltsin, but Gorbachev; the latter, after the August putsch, actually no longer had real power and completely lost control over the processes taking place in the country. In response to Yeltsin's decision, Dudayev introduced martial law on the territory under his control. An armed seizure of buildings of power ministries and departments was carried out, military units were disarmed, military camps of the Ministry of Defense were blocked, rail and air transportation was stopped. OKCHN called on Chechens living in Moscow to "turn the capital of Russia into a disaster zone."

In November-December, the CRI parliament decided to abolish the existing authorities in the republic and to recall the people's deputies of the USSR and the RSFSR from the CHIASSR. Dudayev's decree introduced the right of citizens to acquire and store firearms.

Foreign policy activity

After the collapse of the USSR, the situation in Chechnya finally got out of Moscow's control. In December-February, the seizure of abandoned weapons continued. In early February, the 556th regiment of internal troops was defeated, attacks were made on military units. More than 4,000 small arms, about 3 million pieces of various ammunition, etc. were stolen.

After that, Dudayev makes visits to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey. At the end of September, Dzhokhar Dudayev visited Bosnia, where a civil war was going on at that time. However, at the Sarajevo airport, Dudayev and his plane were arrested by French peacekeepers. [ ] Dudayev was released only after a telephone conversation between the Kremlin and the UN headquarters.

After that, Dzhokhar Dudayev went to the United States, accompanied by Deputy Prime Minister Mairbek Mugadaev and Mayor of Grozny Bislan Gantemirov. According to official sources, the purpose of the visit was to establish contacts with American entrepreneurs for the joint development of Chechen oil fields. The visit ended on October 17, 1992.

Constitutional crisis in Chechnya

Main article: Constitutional crisis in Chechnya (1993)

By the beginning of 1993, the economic and military situation in Chechnya worsened, Dudayev lost his former support.

At 3:30 am on August 8, several unidentified people broke into Dudayev's office, located on the 9th floor of the presidential palace, and opened fire, but the guards returned fire at the shots, and the attackers fled. During the assassination attempt, Dudayev was not injured.

Fight against the armed opposition

In the summer of 1993, constant armed clashes took place on the territory of Chechnya. The opposition is forced out to the north of the republic, where alternative authorities were formed. At the end of the year, Chechnya refuses to take part in the elections of the State Duma and the referendum on the constitution, the parliament opposes the inclusion in the new Constitution of the Russian Federation of the provision on Chechnya as a subject of the Russian Federation.

1995

On the instructions of Dzhokhar Dudayev, camps for prisoners of war and civilians were created in Chechnya, sometimes they are called concentration camps.

On June 14, 1995, a raid by a detachment of militants under the command of Shamil Basayev took place on the city of Budyonnovsk (Stavropol Territory), accompanied by a massive hostage-taking in the city. This action resulted in the death of about 100 civilians. After the events in Budyonnovsk, Dudayev awarded orders to the personnel of Basayev's detachment. On July 21, 1995, Dudayev awarded Basaev the rank of brigadier general.

Death

Despite his death, immediately after it and subsequently, there were repeated reports that Dudayev might be alive. In June 1996, his son-in-law Salman Raduev, also previously declared "killed", held a press conference in Grozny and swore on the Koran that Dudayev survived the assassination attempt and that on July 5, three months after the liquidation of Dzhokhar, he met with him in one of the European countries. He said that the wounded general was taken from the scene in a car by representatives of the OSCE mission to a safe place indicated by him, that at the moment the President of Chechnya is hiding abroad and "will definitely return when necessary." Raduev's statements had a noisy response in the press, but at the appointed time " hour X» Dudayev did not appear. Once in Lefortovo, Raduev repented that he had said this "for the sake of politics."

perpetuation of memory

memorial plaques

Streets and squares

Family

On September 12, 1969, Dzhokhar Dudayev married the daughter of Major Alevtina (Alla) Dudayeva (nee Kulikova) and they had three children: two sons - Avlur (Ovlur, "first-born lamb") (born December 24, 1969) and Degi (born December 25 May 1983) - and daughter Dana (born 1973). According to 2006 information, Dzhokhar Dudayev has five grandchildren.

Avlur was wounded in February 1995, participating in the battles for Argun (there was a version that he died there), but the former fellow soldier of Dzhokhar, Vytautas Eidukaitis, managed to take him to Lithuania, where on March 26, 2002, Avlur received citizenship in the name of Oleg Zakharovich Davydov (his date of birth was changed to December 27, 1970). Citizenship itself caused criticism in Lithuania itself, because it was issued in one day. Avlur is married and, according to 2013 data, he and his children live in Sweden, where Avlur prefers to distance himself from any publicity as much as possible.

Degi, according to 2011 data, has Georgian citizenship, but also lives in Lithuania, having a residence permit there. In 2004 he graduated from the Higher Diplomatic College of International Relations in Baku and in 2009 from the Technical University in Vilnius. In 2012, he took part in the Georgian show " moment of truth"(Georgian analogue of the American show" The Moment of Truth”) and became the first in the history of the Georgian version who the detector could not catch in a lie. Most of the polls given to him were about his father and his attitude towards Russia:

Leading: Do you feel hatred for the Russian people?
Degi: No.
Leading: If given the opportunity, would you avenge your father?
Degi: Yes .

He declined to answer the super question, as he was probably confused by the previous one:

Leading: Do you think that Chechen traditions restrict human freedom?
Degi: Yes .

According to 2013 data, he manages the VEO company in Lithuania, specializing in solar energy. In May 2013, Degi was charged with making forged documents. Immediately after his arrest, his mother Alla called what was happening "a provocation of the Russian special services." Degi himself, however, pleaded guilty and was fined 3,250 litas by a court decision in December 2014.

Dana, while still in Russia, married Masud Dudayev and they had four children. In August 1999, they left Russia and lived in Azerbaijan for some time, then moved to Lithuania and then to Turkey, where they stayed until 2010. Then in June of the same year, their family tried to obtain political asylum in Sweden (where Avlur already lived), but failed, as local authorities found many inconsistencies between the documents and the words of the couple. The family tried to appeal against the refusal of the Swedish authorities in the Stockholm court, but in March 2013 he upheld the decision of the authorities. Permission to file an appeal against the court order was also denied to Dudayev. They did not turn to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, despite the fact that they had such an opportunity, because they considered that if they lost, the Swedish authorities would deport them to Russia. In July 2013, Dana with two children left for Germany, and Masud with two others went to the UK (moreover, they crossed the border illegally), where they now live with Akhmed Zakaev. There, Massoud asked the British government for protection, but this was also denied to the family, and the British authorities began to try to deport them back to Sweden. Then the family filed a lawsuit demanding a review of the decision of the UK Home Office, but in June 2015 the High Court of London recognized the decision of the Home Office as legal.

sayings

see also

Notes

1. Dudaev Dzhokhar Musaevich
2. The end of the rebellious General Dzhokhar Dudayev
3. Džohar Musaevič Dudaev
4. Dzhokhar Dudaev | NEXT.net.ua
5. Calendar upcoming significant dates from LADNO.ru. December 2006
6. Kavkaz Memo.ru:: People of the Caucasus:: Dudaev Dzhokhar Musaevich

Before telling about this outstanding person, I will say a few words about the political situation that had developed in Chechnya at the time of his arrival. Years of industrial activity gave me the opportunity to get to know the Russians as well as the Chechens. If I cannot but love the latter, then I respect the Russians and even, in some way, envy them. I will not enumerate the advantages and disadvantages of the peoples among whom I was born, formed as a person and a specialist. Both have different polarities in sufficient quantity.

I was not and am not a member of parties, I do not spin in journalistic circles. I am a rural person, although my labor activity took place in urban conditions. Working in production in the construction industry in various leadership positions, but I have never been involved in such a way. From where he retired, in his soul remaining a Soviet foreman.

Therefore, as a person from within the people, who earns his daily bread with the most difficult physical labor, I know firsthand her latest, short, but brightly saturated with drama, history. A story that unfolded on the scale of Russia, on a small patch of land called Chechnya. On the ground, like a meteor in the sky, for a moment the destinies of the two peoples, Russians and Chechens, flashed brightly and intertwined, where, without exaggeration, the fate of the Russian State itself was decided.

As an eyewitness to recent events, I try to tell in my works so that the reader himself would draw the conclusion of what happened in Chechnya. And with this in mind, if possible, remove the veil of secret and open hostility between me and the Russian. Let's not dissemble, Ivan, unfortunately, there is a slight hostility between our relations. Even after such a fight.

Let's start with when all the information channels of Russia since 1991 took us into circulation at the same time. I tried to write down blunders about Chechens for history, but you can't master all the channels at the same time. But even this would be enough that we could not wash ourselves for a century. So much has been said about Chechnya.

Some acted for the sake of time in order to stay afloat of the political establishment, while others, together with the collapse of the USSR, tried to do the same with Russia. But those and others cared little where they were pushing us.

I made notes at what time of the day, the dates and through which channel this or that information was received. Then I abandoned this idea, who needs it.

For example, at the same time or with an interval of one day, the same Chechen bandit group could appear in different parts of the world. Here she left Pakistan in the morning for the Indian states, and in the evening she crossed the Mexican border into the US states.
Or here's another ram, from an Australian farmer, rushes at the owner, butts with everyone that moves and even rushes at his jeep. And where do you think these aggressive small cattle were brought up? Of course in Chechnya.

Often, already in the non-peaceful sky of Chechnya, unmarked aircraft could appear. What the official information person informed about was that even the federal forces could not establish which air force of which power carried out missile and bomb attacks on the cities and villages of Chechnya. And yet, it was emphatically officially informed that such non-identifying elements struck exactly at those parts of Chechnya where the people were especially loyal to the federal forces.
They did not say anything about the existence of civilians, the civilian population, they did not seem to exist in Chechnya, as we see today in the Donbass, in Syria. What peaceful inhabitants, when there even rams rush at people. Aggressors!
Information channels are the face of the state, and even more so in Russia. In any case, we had the opportunity to compare what the country says with what is happening in reality. This was a lie, unthinkable!
Once I started, looking ahead to the beginning of the second war, I want to recall a few interesting entries:

Listening to journalists of the Russian Federation, it was a wonder whether they have anything sacred in life. There was a time when Putin, although he received carte blanche from Yeltsin, had not yet strengthened his position.
These journalists mocked the army, which I was once proud of and it was absolutely incomprehensible to whose mill they pour water.

Here are the generals sitting in the studio "remembering the past days and the battles where they fought together."
They tell how they are not allowed to catch the main bandit. As soon as they surround the lair of the "jackal" and then the command comes: "set aside". All the commanders spoke about such awkward orders, starting from the first commander of the united forces in Chechnya, Army General Kulikov.
1999 Autumn. There is a TV show "Here and Now".
The host is the well-known journalist Lyubimov. "Wingman" - Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force, Colonel General Mikhailov.
Host: “The Americans in the Balkans bombed civilians by mistake, even the Chinese embassy got it. Tell me, what is the accuracy of our weapons?
“Guided” - “one hundred percent hit on a given target. We can destroy one Basayev from the aircraft’s missiles!”
Host: Why don't you do it?
“Wingman” - “there was no command ....!?”
What does it mean? The bravado of a martinet or the mouth of a baby speaks the truth?

Journalists in their diligence were often ahead of upcoming events.
For example. In the same autumn of the same year. The correspondent (I don’t remember his last name) is broadcasting from the scene of FUTURE events. “Basayev,” he says, “wants to make another sortie into Dagestan. For this sabotage, Ural trucks are preparing with all the attributes of the federal troops. But our valiant soldiers will meet him properly.”
"Wolf" has not yet left the lair, but he is ready to meet. What enviable efficiency! Commerce and more.

A few days later, on Savik Shuster's “freedom of speech” polit show, we watch how one elderly general stood up and scolded the press for systematically insulting the armed forces. It is a pity that we did not hear his strong, Russian words, they did not give him a microphone and he left the studio.
I wouldn't be a Chechen if I looked with indifference, how undeservedly insulted, even my enemy. “Russia, you are truly a great power, behave with dignity both here and there,” I wanted to shout.
“Whoever owns information owns the world,” the truth says, but Russia, a generous soul, shared this wealth for free.
Can people, who have experienced in their own skin, all these nonsense of the official, diplomatic and defense departments of Russia, believe today everything they say. Of course not. This faith has been repulsed, bombed, mined.
That is why I am trying to win your trust, at least about Chechnya, about the Chechens, because a person from the Far East will not write anything sensible about this. Please note that this is not a one-sided interpretation of the truth. Standing face to face with events, I try to tell honestly about everything.

* * *
So, General of the Soviet Army Dzhokhar Dudayev did not justify the hopes of the Chechen and Russian peoples from the first day of his solemn oath on the Holy Koran.

But the doors of Dudayev, that at work and at home, were open to any person. And this freedom of action was enjoyed by all and sundry.
Therefore, in his environment were especially distinguished in their impudence, ignorant persons, not production managers, economists and other workers who know their own worth.
One Minister of the Oil Refining Industry of the USSR Khadzhiev Salambek was worth something, the whole country knew him. Having risen after the deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, he broke mines with Gorbachev himself about his political and economic mistakes.
And the whole republic knew others. They came officially to the reception, they were left with hope. And that is all.
Decent people will not knock on the thresholds of his office, and even more so at home. It will be necessary to call, you will not be forcibly nice.

And those who stuck around the general, who envied managers all their lives, or as they called them partocrats, did not shine in life in any government bodies, on deputy chairs. They could not imagine that their idol Dudaev was the same partocrat, because they would not become army or production generals without a party card in their pocket.
What flattered them most was that they were better informed than ordinary citizens. Having received such an opportunity, they swept rubbish from Dudayev's presidential palace with great pleasure.

* * *
Two words about my relatives, who, by the will of fate, often met with Dudayev. If I dedicate so many lines to all sorts of crooks, why are they worse than them.
Two aunt's sons, my cousins, who lived in different regions, became on October 27, 1991 deputies of the People's Assembly of the CRI. It will not be said about the brothers, but very good guys, they didn’t smoke, and even more so, they didn’t drink in their lives, they didn’t express themselves. These were indeed put forward by a broad social force, although they possessed a certain amount of ambition, otherwise they ceased to be Chechens.

Even due to the fact that my brothers are a typical part of the Chechen people, they are worth talking about. We were not friends, we were connected only by family relations and nothing more. They were guys with strict rules, and I loved freedom. In general, many parents would like to have such sons.
Of course, like their cousin, they didn’t pull for gold medals at school, but they graduated tolerably from high school and could easily acquire secondary technical or humanitarian education. But the brothers took other paths, from childhood, like Soviet underground workers, they attended circles for studying the Koran. What their aunt and her husband, that is, my parents, were overjoyed about.
As far as this opportunity was available to me, having a similar underground circle at my uncle's house, but I joined a different science.

My uncle and father, who were Mutalims of the rural madrasah back in tsarist times, advised me, but did not force me to study the Koran. I repent, I repent immensely, who knew that mullahs could be deputies of the Supreme Council and even become leaders.
My brothers ate what God sent. One worked in the fire department, the other, in the summer, left with teams of artel workers to work. Families are larger, but they lived no worse than others.

And so the elder brother made the Hajj to Mecca in 1990. It was the very first hajj for Muslims from the Soviet Union since the Lenin Decree on freedom of conscience and religion was issued on November 8, 1917.
After the completion of the Hajj, a plane with pilgrims flew from Saudi Arabia to Grozny. And as soon as the brother got off the ladder, the crowd almost tore him to pieces. The Muslims of the Soviet Union yearned for holy places so much that everyone wanted to touch the first Hajj, to tear a piece of fabric from his clothes.
As a result, the brother in the blink of an eye found himself in underpants. The same crowd wrapped him in some kind of sheet and carried him in their arms to the car. The same fate reached all the Hadjis who descended from the plane.

Men who endured 13 years of eviction hard labor, slavery of collective farm plantations, cried and laughed. They arranged a noisy religious dhikr on the square not far from the building of the regional committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the CHIASSR. And, of course, in sight are a little gloomy, but recently built in a modern style, the buildings of the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Officials in these buildings hid like mice behind brooms "not seeing anything, not hearing anything and not saying anything to anyone."
The new thinking of the party, with its perestroika and glasnost, was difficult to tuck into their tender stomachs.
And people in cars, in the back of trucks, many on horseback, went to the airport to meet their Hadji. The path from Grozny to the village, the newly minted haji, was accompanied by an honorary escort of everything that moves.

In general, from the day his brother arrived from Saudi Arabia, he did not belong to his family and friends for a week. The people came in an endless stream. Everyone wanted to hug him, look through his eyes at the center of the universe. And the holy water from the Zam-zam spring, souvenirs from Mecca, of course, were not enough for everyone.

If until now, from childhood, I was the grandson of a haji who visited Mecca before the revolution of 1917, one of the last of our village, now I walked in the glory of my brother! But only for a year, until the next batch went on pilgrimage. And of course, I deleted the prefix "cousin".

In subsequent years, he and his brother again traveled to Mecca more than once, and last year his brother died on the way back at the airport. They buried him as a pilgrim in the same place, which is the secret dream of any true believer.

Well, I, as a fan of the Great Russian poet Pushkin, following his precepts:
Blessed is he who visits Mecca,
In the days of my old age!
waiting for my old age to come. Or our years. Although...

The brothers were indispensable at all rural funeral events, were imams in mosques, in the reconciliation processes of endless quarrels inside Chechnya, in covering the young husband and wife. They were in demand everywhere and everywhere, as if born for this into the world.
Except for one place - in politics!

It was just my place, but they don’t let me go there, not then and not now. True, in order to win a Zhiguli lottery, at least you need to purchase a lottery ticket itself, and I don’t do this, but I secretly dream. And how nice it would be!

But most importantly, Chechnya reveled in the freedom of religions of its forefathers, that at last the ancient predictions of the Chechen holy sheikhs came true.

A few words about these prophecies.

As much as I am a pessimist of any excessive occult superstitions, but I have ears to hear, brains to remember. And I remember well how the old people predicted this day back in 1960-1970.
Yes, they said, all these bans on religion are natural, because they were predicted by the sheikhs: that prayer will be banned, mosques will be closed, poison (agricultural pesticides) will be stored there, roads to the holy places of Mecca will be closed, prisons will be opened for all believers in God. Satanic power will come.

Colleague, I feel a little sorry for the Soviet government, which gave me an education, where it brought me to the head of the shortage of building materials. In general, it is disgusting to spit in the past, where I was young, handsome and charming.
And I would even say meanness, to sculpt a slap in the face of the authorities, which will not do anything to you.
But I heard it!
I heard that one day all the "fetters will collapse", mosques will open, it will be possible to pray openly, and people can get to Mecca at such a speed that even a hot churek in their bosoms will not have time to cool down.
But this was predicted in the 19th century. My grandfather was born somewhere in the 1850s, and my father was at the end of the 19th century.
“In our village, was it really possible for a muezzin to climb the minaret and call people to prayer, and did you really pray in the mosque?” I asked my father in amazement.
"Yes," answered the father. It is unthinkable to hear this in the 1960s and 70s, but my father said it.
And in 1990, the predictions of the elders came true and people really could be in Mecca, in that short moment, while the hot chock stuck in the bosom had not yet had time to cool down. Mosques were freed from warehouses and rural clubs used them for their intended purpose. In production teams, believers could freely pray.

Following the spirit of the times, we made a partition in the foyer of our office, and we also built a prayer room at work. When the carpenters invited me to accept their clumsy work, opening the creaky plywood door, I remembered the words of Rasul Gamzatov, which appeared on the wave of perestroika and glasnost:
Though they told me for a century, you don’t believe in God,
In this recollected light,
Opened, penitently, the creaky door,
I am a poor aul mosque!
What made our solemn opening laugh, except for the mullah. But nothing, he will hear something else, with universal freedom of conscience and religion.
And even from the window of our village Council of Working People's Deputies, the triumphant face of the secretary of the party committee could stick out and shout, hiding as if the time of prayer does not concern him, to the driving driver: "Mahmud, come in, we are standing for jamaat prayer!"
It's good, great!
But then I thought with horror whether the Soviet government would soon be "alles kaput", it would also fall apart at the table, as the same old people predicted.
Yes, yes, the reader literally heard and peers will not let me lie: "Oh, what a power the Soviet government has, but the sheikhs said it would fall apart in one day, at the table!"
The old people spoke with pride, with admiration (we respect this) about the strength and power of the USSR, but at the same time with anxious regret, how can such a force be turned into ruins at a simple desk.
They said that the last labeled king would come to power!
What king? They completely withered in their ignorance, they have not read a single book in their life, and they make political forecasts there too?! This is how I thought about my old people, as a believing pioneer, member of the Komsomol!

And we ourselves have already witnessed this, how in December 1991 in the Belarusian Belovezhskaya Pushcha, they set up a table for Yeltsin, Kravchuk and Shushkevich so that they would fulfill the prophecies of my old people.
We also witnessed how the "marked tsar" turned for the last time, from this moment, to the non-existent Soviet people, how the banner of the Union was lowered in the Kremlin and the Russian three-color banner was raised. From now on, Russia betrayed the peoples of the Union, whom she rallied forever, for happiness, like Great Rus'. Yes, and we, non-Russians, did not understand this then, we thought: "maybe it will be better." In general, something happened that everyone secretly dreamed of, and now we all remember with deep regret.

Fairy tales (at that time, I thought so without a doubt) that were told by illiterate Chechen old people turned into a reality, and the promises of the scientists of the communist ideology about the imminent onset of abundance, equality, brotherhood throughout the earth turned into dust.

This is the situation in Chechnya before Dudayev came to power.
The Chechen people see how its leader, Dudayev, since 1991, is up to his neck in politics, and he doesn’t give a damn about their alapi (salary).
Abandoned people to the mercy of fate were saved, as best they could. We started with a small robbery of motor vehicles on the Union Highway (federal), and then everything that was movable and everything that moved started to go.

I have written about everything about this in other opuses, I will not repeat myself.
But you won't live long on stealing someone else's goods.
People then turned their eyes to the fertile land of Chechnya, from where oil is beating from the bowels. At first, mini-factories for the processing of oil and condensate, gasoline and diesel fuel in a handicraft way began to appear timidly.
In my opinion, the first such plant in our village did not appear without my participation, but we did not agree among ourselves. And then it started running.

But there were, under Dudayev, positive developments. True, he did not take part in this, but he did not interfere either.
Under him, Chechnya turned into a huge market for the entire Caucasus. For the uninformed, I will explain: the Caucasus is the territory from the Turkish border to Rostov-on-Don and Astrakhan. And Volgograd is spiritually close to us than the rest of Russia.
So everyone traded in Chechnya: Russians, non-Russians, and even Armenians from Yerevan with Azerbaijanis from Nakhichevan.

In another two or three years, Chechnya will turn into an international market haven that your Cherkizovsky bazaar, and even all of Rus', could not dream of.
I repeat, the scale was so huge, there were not enough places on the territory of the market, that it was necessary to score places on the track from Thursday, as on Saturday and Sunday. Cars went in caravans to Chechnya day and night, from all four parts of the world.
Such districts as Kurchaloyevsky, Gudermessky, Shalinsky, which even in the harsh Soviet years carefully preserved the honor of a merchant, no matter how they were called names: speculators, parasites, ide on the body of the working people. These areas distributed pastures and even arable lands of collective farms for markets.
Here the sheep are safe and the wolves are full
Yes, of course, there were road robbers, what dashing years of the 90s! The market bazaarkoms fought with them. They paid the Dudayev Guards for maintaining public order on the roads where the caravans of merchants were going.
I can say one thing about Dudayev, for all his shortcomings, he did not get involved in the bazaar - market affairs, did not collect cream. Perhaps the pride of the Soviet general did not allow it. And there was a lot of money in there.

And Dudayev, meanwhile, was engaged in the "defense capability" of Ichkeria. On the streets of Grozny appeared slogans such as: "A slave who does not seek to get rid of slavery deserves triple slavery. Dzhokhar Dudayev."
A masterpiece of political appeal.

After the dispersal of the deputies, who were elected with Dudayev on the same day, he remained with his exceptionally devoted people. Many went into opposition with Dudayev up to an armed clash.

Portraits of Dudayev in various poses hung in the offices of the chiefs.
Here he knelt down, raised his hands to the Almighty, asking, probably, happiness for the people. He sits in front of Allah in a military uniform, on his head is a cap with the emblem of Ichkeria, a wolf. Islam forbids depicting any living creature, and even more so where he prays, but this does not concern Dudayev.

And here he is again in the same uniform, half-length, the head of a wolf grin peeps out from the right shoulder, the words of Lermontov are written at the left shoulder:
War is their element...
He loves to quote Lermontov, as does his wife, a Russian girl, Alla Izmailova, a poetess. Alla fell in love with this Chechen only for the portrait resemblance to the great Russian poet.

This was the visible part of the fortification of the defense of Ichkeria, and we could not stick our nose into the area of ​​its invisible part. This is a national secret and is not subject to public disclosure. And this invisible part was financed by all the same Russia, fulfilling its social obligations to the Chechen old people, state employees, but the money did not reach the consumer. Echelons of oil products left Chechnya for no one knows where.

By the autumn of 1994, the people of Chechnya realized that this could not last long. Everyone left as best they could. Rural Orthodox, taking advantage of impunity, began to rob their Russians, Armenians. No matter how much I knocked on the threshold of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in order to enclose the PMK economy, nothing helped.

The people of the entire Caucasus watched with excitement and hoped that the two sovereigns of Russia and Chechnya would meet, agree, they were not crazy. The fact that there will be a war, no one believed.
Ruslan Aushev, the President of Ingushetia, may Allah grant him health and long life, did everything in his power to prevent this war from happening. As a Hero of the Soviet Union, an Afghan, he knew what modern war is, he knew his brothers Chechens very well. Our trouble is that the Chechen general did not look like an Ingush general. The first shots, the first victims of the beginning of a new Chechen war, were taken over by the ancient Ingush land, trying to protect its brothers from the impending catastrophe.

I don’t remember when, but Dudayev sent his messengers to the Don Cossacks so that they would close the gates of the Caucasus from peasant Russia. (Muzhgi is a peasant, a Russian serf is known to the Vainakhs). Hinting by this that during the years of the civil war they tried to create the Don Republic. Of course, nothing came of this idea, and Dudayev lamented through the TV: "Where can you find Cossacks now, there are only Cossack women and an ensemble of songs ... and dances."
From the Russian side, so that the two leaders Yeltsin and Dudayev did not meet, it turned out that a powerful reinforced concrete fence was built.
* * *
But Ruslan Aushev managed to put two of his Afghanistan veterans Dudayev and Grachev at the negotiating table in Ingushetia on December 6, 1994. Dudaev was accompanied by a group of odious associates, like Yandarbiev, Basaev and others.
And they seem to have come to a consensus to resolve the conflict peacefully. Even before this historic meeting, there was an official rumor on the local television channel that Dudayev had been offered the post of commander of the Russian Air Force and the rank of colonel general. But, of course, the freedom of the Fatherland is dearer to him. In Chechnya, we followed these talks with hope.

And when Dudayev and Grachev stayed face to face, Dzhokhar told Pavel that his friends were sitting in the next room, if he left here having agreed on peace with Russia, he would not reach Grozny alive. Basayev and his team have already become infected with war and blood in Abkhazia.

This is one of the versions from the Chechen side and it is very plausible.
After already in Grozny, Dudayev answered questions from journalists.
I literally remember his answer to the question:
"Is it possible to do without military action?
- One hundred thousand Chechens armed to the teeth can be stopped by Allah or war. I do not have the prerogatives of Allah, the war remains."

Dudayev's generation was evicted in 1944 by children, like my older brothers. They grew up among the Russian-speaking population and spoke Russian both at school and on the street. Only at home they spoke in their native language. Therefore, fluent in the language, Dudayev spoke Russian, just like all his peers, without an accent.
He spoke the words in military language expressively, clearly, clearly, like commands in the army "be equal, at attention!" And as if he was driving nails with a hammer blow, observing a pause. And here, owning the character of the people, Dudayev's answer to journalists about "- One hundred thousand Chechens armed to the teeth ..." was an absolute bluff on his part.
First of all, aimed at the ears of a hundred thousand vain Chechens, who have
there was nothing but hats and they were sure that with these "caps they will shower all of Russia." And, of course, to be heard by the Russian special services.
But neither the Chechens nor the Russians drew a conclusion from Dudayev's words.

And so it happened, the same one hundred thousand rural orthodox people who brought Dudayev to power with their cries at rallies reproached us, who doubted that this was the national secret of their idol. For three and a half years of ignorance of where the old people's pensions, the salaries of state employees, oil revenues go, he covered himself with this secret.
Finally, Dudayev opened the veil over her! Only behind her, except for enthusiastic cries and desires, deceived citizens, nothing was visible.
Dudayev's secret somehow looked like Hitler's secret weapon on the eve of the collapse of the Third Reich.

An educated man, a general, a communist, the commander of not a simple division, but strategic aviation, behaved worse than my old mother.
And she said that, they say, the war does not throw bread rolls and even wild medlar, one must live peacefully with Russia, otherwise people will be left without relatives. I knew from my personal life.

Meanwhile, Russia, having armed the Russian volunteers with tanks, under the leadership of a certain Avtorkhanov Umar from the Nadterechny region (a part of Chechnya loyal to Russia), entered Grozny. It was November 26, 1994, the tank battalion appeared right under the windows of Dudayev himself, in front of his palace. And was destroyed within two hours. Surrendered Russian Dudaev generously released. The corpses of burnt tankers, blown up tanks in Grozny stood for several days as a warning to everyone.
Television around the clock told a tank battle, everyone wanted to be like heroes.
The triumph of Dudaev is evident before the people! He-he-he, he loved to tell how the boys on three-wheeled motorcycles shot Russian tanks point-blank. Photographs were shown, and one of them was on a bicycle with a long RPG barrel on his back, riding to a tank battle.

It was a powerful psychological blow to any defeatist attitude of cowardly people in front of the Russian power.

After that, a mass psychosis occurred in Chechnya, village after village came to Grozny, on the square in front of the Council of Ministers, people took an oath: to fight in the sacred gazavat against Russia. The oath was taken under the dictation of the Mufti of Chechnya Magomed - Hussein himself. He came to his historical homeland from Kazakhstan, where he was born and raised. Throwing to the mercy of fate the President of Kazakhstan Nazarbayev, for whom he was an adviser on religious issues.
Among the crowd of fellow villagers, I made the same oath myself.
* * *
Two words about Mufti Magomed-Khussein.

While I was wondering about my future strategy of a sacred campaign against the infidels, hostilities began in Chechnya. But here, not by the way, my paternal cousin fell ill. And such kinship among Chechens is on a par with a sister.
And one day the neighbors come, taking with them an expert in the treatment of folk remedies, for the manufacture of a talisman, sacred water.

And then, bah, familiar faces! What was my amazement when I recognized in this healer the Mufti of Chechnya Magomed - Hussein.
What about the oath of jihad? I asked my relatives when the door closed behind him.
In general, as soon as the war began in Grozny, this clergyman once again abandoned his boss, this time the President of Ichkeria. After giving a runaway from under the bombings, in short dashes, he found himself 55 km from Grozny with his relatives, maternal relatives. And they are my sister's neighbors.
I sat out for several weeks on guest grubs. He took his breath away, and by some incredible miracle he managed to leave the border of the warring Chechnya, and Russia itself. He went back to Kazakhstan, where he still lives.
Where did the President of Russia look, and where did his special services look?
The Supreme Mullah did not free our Fatherland from the adversary, did not save my sister from a deadly disease.

Dear colleague, convict me of a lie if you doubt my veracity. Our village is called Bachi-Yurt, Kurchaloevsky district, Chechen Republic. And the ex-mufti of Chechnya, Magomed-Khussein, as I heard, is working again in the spiritual administration of Kazakhstan. In Astana! So that the holy place is not empty.
True, I am not going to hang my sins of an oath-breaker on Magomed - Hussein, and I fell under his oath by accident. Once I see how my fellow villagers are walking in a whole crowd through Grozny, I ask: "Where are you going, lads?" Let's go to the square, we will take an oath, get in line! And where do you go from them.
True, with his drapan from Chechnya, he saved more than one rebellious soul from inevitable death. Perhaps he, like many, thought that the assault on December 31 of the city would end as quickly as on November 26. But this time the damned war dragged on.
If the mufti did this, and I took my breath away, then God himself ordered me! So don't be afraid guys, and:
"Play Russian children!
Grow at will!
................................................
Love your labor bread -
And let the charm of childhood poetry
Leads you into the bowels of the native land!
This is me about myself, for the FSB, just in case!
* * *
Even earlier, on December 20, 1994, people, in protest, went to the federal highway, arranged a human chain from the border of Dagestan through Chechnya, Ingushetia and to the border of Ossetia.
But the war began in Grozny.

On December 31, 1994, the ancient call of the ancestors resounded through the villages of Chechnya: "What a pit! Ortsa gave!"

The impending common misfortune is announced by people in different languages, but they are met in the same way.
The men of the village began to gather in two places. Even ardent opponents of Dudayev came. Few stayed at home on this disturbing day.

After taking a shower, I became still uncertain in my determination to prepare for war,
when my mother, sensing something unkind, came to me. My eldest son is already of draft age, and my intentions were to ensure that, in case of anything, I would protect him from the war. In the family, one is at war, and that's enough for us for now. It was such a hard moment.

Dudayev perfectly mastered the character of the people and directly put pressure on his psyche that all generations of Chechens would participate in this war for the next hundred years. Until Russia finally admits its defeat.

But the mother categorically forbade me and my son to think about the war.
What are you talking about, mother, such women gather there that, without batting an eye, escort their sons to war. Me and your grandchildren live in this village, do not disgrace us!
“Hmm!” she said, almost with a grin, “I sent men to war twice in my life, and they all didn’t come back. They didn’t see it. Don’t make me experience this tragedy a third time.”
Father and mother's brothers died during the years of collectivization, and the first husband at the front. In Poland.

In the first days of the beginning, we, ordinary villagers, took the war in Chechnya so closely and everyone considered it their own family tragedy. There was no hatred for the Russian people, I would say. But there was hatred for the war itself, for the enemy, who are sitting in tanks, on planes, hitting our cities and villages. These have already become our enemies and there is no forgiveness for them on earth. Any Chechen thought so, here Dudayev is not a decree for him.

Our militias loaded onto cars, climbed onto the bodies of Kamaz trucks, filled the transport to capacity, as in rush hours. Rarely anyone had a weapon peeking out, white sheets were thrown at them for disguise. After all, it's winter. They shouted to me, stay, they say, someone needs to bury the dead at home. Like children playing pioneer "Zarnitsa"!
The militias, but as soon as they got into the cars, they already become bandits.

So a year has passed since tiny Chechnya was at war with huge Russia. The main phase of the hostilities went to the mountains and to the roads of Chechnya, where, day and night, columns of federal troops made empty empty maneuvers towards each other. And on every corner, from the side of the militants, I expected - a swoop, a blow, a rebound. A similar tactic of battle, in small groups, on a federal armored column was developed by Dudayev himself.

During the war, in the second winter, appearing in a neighboring village, in a mosque, Dudayev began to reproach the old people that their village was weakly fighting. Witnesses told how old people began to complain about the lack of electricity, gas, and other pressing everyday problems. Not a word about the war. Dudayev sat cross-legged on the carpet, his eyes fixed on one point in front of him, drumming his fingers on his knees. Then he silently stood up and walked towards the exit. Old people crowd behind him. On the street, Dudayev pulls out two pistols, shoots at the wheels of the jeep in which he arrived. Then he squeezes out of himself with only his lips: "Sell it, make yourself light, gas, heat. Kotamash (chickens)".
Without saying goodbye to the old people, he got into the car with the guards and left. It is in his habits, in a similar way to knead insults on his subjects.

Here I would like to utter one phrase of Dudaev, although I didn’t hear it myself, but again in the spirit of his character: “The two most terrible peoples on earth clashed, the war cannot be stopped.”
A grateful son of two peoples, one gave birth, the other raised. This is what Dudayev said about Russians and Chechens when a large delegation headed by Anton Volsky, Yeltsin's representative, and a group of Krishnaites arrived in Grozny. For peace talks, summer 1995.

As such, there was no compulsion of youth to go to war, deserters were not caught. There were none. A man once took up arms and killed a man, no matter who the Russian, non-Russian, enemy. He didn't come back. Everything was on a voluntary basis.

If Dudayev was an agent of some Freemasons, then he played this role with brilliance. But I do not think that I could be a clown in someone's hands. For all my negative attitude towards this person, I cannot imagine him as a buffoon in the hands of foreign figures, while substituting my people in the interests of some kind of war party. He, as in that distant childhood, as a kid of an exiled people, in the steppes of Kazakhstan, could not compromise his principles and believed that he should fight to the end.

Dudayev's peers, my older brothers born in 1936, 1940, 1941, also talked about their childhood, at school they could be insulted by classmates, called bandits. And they rushed into the fray even alone with a whole crowd. We went, as they say, to the ram biting the bit.
Imagine a population of 450,000 Chechens and Ingush spread across the two republics of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. I remember almost nothing about it, I was born there and in 1957 climbed up the ladder into the wagon, holding my mother's dress by the hem.

Before the arrival of the exiled people in February 1944, the local population was informed that bandits and cannibals were being brought to them, so please be vigilant. If the elders and teachers behaved correctly, courteously, they didn’t say anything out loud, but children are children. This is how this generation developed its own character. Therefore, for Dudayev, the fact that in his fight a million Chechen people are spitting blood with him is just the will of Allah.

It was only surprising how, with such innermost thoughts in his head, he could devote himself to the Russian army, rise to the rank of general, and even marry a Russian girl? This is with such an attitude towards the Russian people.

16 years ago, on April 21, 1996, the president of Chechnya, the rebellious general Dzhokhar Dudayev, was assassinated. Dudayev rightly demanded from Gorbachev, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, from the State Duma of the Russian Federation to assess the Belovezhskaya agreements.

He suggested that Yeltsin legitimize power in the Russian Federation. He condemned the system of "democratic" elections, small-town princelings...

Dudayev was the only person in power who offered political asylum to Eric Honecker, the last leader of the GDR (German Democratic Republic). Honecker, more than his Soviet mentors, resisted domestic reforms.

How many destinies of individuals and entire nations have been broken by the wrecking "perestroika" and the collapse of the Soviet Union! /

RS. Dudayev was the only leader of the autonomous territory who offered political asylum to the leader of the GDR, Erich Honecker, after the unification of Germany because of the snottyness of the first president of the USSR M. Gorbachev

How Dudayev was killed

The liquidation of the first Chechen president by the FSB of the year can be considered the most successful operation of the Russian special services during the entire period of the war in the North Caucasus. More our security officers did not achieve such success.

We managed to meet and talk with people who were direct participants in those events. For obvious reasons, we cannot name them.

Who "ordered" the Chechen leader?

The murder of Dudayev was committed four months before the conclusion of the Khasavyurt agreements, shameful for Russia. It was no longer so necessary and did not bring practically any results. So, a team that is losing with a dry score, an agonizing team, makes an unexpected counterattack and scores a beautiful goal of prestige into the opponent's goal, which does not affect the results of the match.

In fact, plans for the physical elimination of the rebellious general were hatched from the very beginning of the first Chechen campaign. The order to kill him was given personally by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, President of Russia Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin. And this, of course, was an elementary revenge. Revenge for the mediocrity of Russian commanders, for their own fatal mistakes. ...

The plan of measures to overthrow Dudayev was developed personally by Stepashin and, for some reason, by the head of the Moscow UFSK Savostyanov. (When the latter was asked what side the chief Moscow Chekist took of Chechnya, he answered that he was in charge of the Caucasian direction as deputy director of the Federal Counterintelligence Service). The results of their "brilliant strategic developments" are known. The coup failed miserably. Dudayev, who had already begun to lose authority in the republic, demonstrated to the whole world the captured Russian tankers, recruited and deceived by the Federal Grid Company, which successfully regained his lost positions. Some time later, Stepashin delegated the right to attack the same rake again to Minister of Defense Grachev. He throws the phrase that Chechnya can be dealt with in two hours by one parachute regiment, and, without hesitation, steps on a cunning garden tool. Within three days, the General Staff draws up a plan for the introduction of troops into Chechnya. Grachev introduces Yeltsin to him and the president makes a fatal decision.

All this time, Dudayev, anticipating the beginning of the war, is trying to contact Boris Nikolaevich by phone, but to no avail. It was impossible to break through the presidential administration, then headed by Sergei Filatov. For some reason, Yeltsin was simply not informed of the general's calls. After the eighth attempt, Dudayev, quite by accident, managed to reach the head of the SBP, Alexander Korzhakov. He desperately asked for peace and made it clear that he would make the most seemingly unacceptable concessions.

Korzhakov on the same day decided to report to Yeltsin about Dudayev's request. The conversation, which took place in an informal setting at the presidential club, was attended by the head of the Main Directorate of Security Barsukov and First Deputy Prime Minister Soskovets. All three asked the president not to hurry with the introduction of troops, and to meet with Dudayev. However, the president was adamant. The man who dealt with the USSR and Gorbachev, who crushed the obstinate parliament, who removed everyone who stood in the way to power, could not understand why He should talk to a general who fell on his head from nowhere, when he can be crushed with a slight movement of the little finger.

Korzhakov's story is also confirmed by Arkady Volsky's interview with the Segodnya newspaper: "On December 13, 1994, negotiations were held in Ingushetia between the delegations of Russia and Chechnya. According to Dudayev, they were already close to resolving the issue. It was about the Tatar version. Suddenly, a team from Moscow : stop negotiations, Boris Nikolaevich is waiting for Dudayev in Sochi. "You, Arkady Ivanovich, you may not believe it," Dudayev told me, "but it was a holiday for me. I sewed a new uniform in three days. If this meeting had taken place, believe me, nothing would have happened. But I sew a uniform - and suddenly the troops are brought in. It's also impossible! Understand: I'm not on my own. Like it or not, I'm the president."

Before the start of the introduction of troops, Yeltsin, under pressure from the siloviki rushing into battle and competing with each other, convened the Security Council. On it, Grachev, standing with a pointer at the map, like an excellent student in an exam, told the audience about the "blitzkrieg" plan. For restoring order in Chechnya with the help of the army, members of the Security Council vote unanimously. Among them was Minister of Justice Yury Kalmykov. He sat in front of the map and scrupulously copied it into his notebook. On the same day, Kalmykov flew to the North Caucasus and briefed the leadership of Chechnya in detail on the plans of the Kremlin. The generals called this act a betrayal.

Thus, the effect of surprise was not achieved. But the military leaders were so confident in their abilities that they postponed the operation for only a week and did not even begin to make changes to the plan.

On December 11, the troops entered the territory of Chechnya. The troubles of the army began in Ingushetia, where the people, as if on command, stood in the way of the tanks and the first blood was shed. Kalmykov tried not in vain.

On December 14, Dudayev receives an ultimatum from Yeltsin demanding to lay down his arms. But it was not there. The Chechens responded to the Kremlin's threat with numerous attacks on our columns. The troops got stuck. What Grachev wanted to accomplish in two hours with one regiment, all the armed forces failed to do in 6 years.

They approached Grozny only on New Year's Eve.

Birthday is a holiday of childhood

January 1, on his birthday, Grachev throws the army to storm the Chechen capital, which turns into the bloodiest battle in the history of both Chechen wars. The minister is still confident in his abilities, still ready to throw hats on any opponent. Therefore, nothing prevents him from celebrating his birthday in exotic field conditions, to the sound of artillery cannonade, during the breaks between operational meetings. Oleg Soskovets flew in to congratulate Grachev, who, having entered the headquarters, immediately fell into the arms of Sergey Stepashin, inflamed by strong front-line soldiers. They say that the head of the Russian counterintelligence awarded the guest with such a hot kiss that he had a bloody hematoma on his lip. Soskovets had to hide from TV cameras for two weeks.

Fierce battles for Grozny continued for a whole month. Funerals for young soldiers who were not fired upon went to Russia by the thousands. Dudayev with his army left the city on February 8, and the final control over the capital of the republic, wiped off the face of the earth, was established only in early March.

Proceed to liquidation

After Grozny, the disgrace of the Russian leadership continued. On June 14, 1995, Basayev raided Budenovsk, after which Stepashin, Interior Minister Erin and the president's representative in Chechnya Yegorov left their posts, and the Kremlin had to conclude a temporary truce with the militants and start negotiations. The Russian side, with the consent of the president, openly offered General Dudayev to cross over to one of the Muslim countries, which looked very stupid in the situation at that time. In October, after the assassination attempt on the commander of the Russian group, General Romanov, the peace dialogue was disrupted.

Yeltsin began a terrible depression. According to Korzhakov, he cried and drank for two days, saying that the generals had deceived him, that the war with Chechnya was his worst mistake in life.

Experiences affected the health of Boris Nikolaevich. On October 26, he went to the hospital, and began "working with documents" and restored the "strong handshake" only by the end of December.

Immediately after the onset of 1996, a new tragedy occurred. Raduev attacks the Dagestan city of Kizlyar, then moves unhindered to Pervomaiskoye and just as unhindered leaves the village blocked by "38 snipers" back to Chechnya. Disgraced to the whole world, the president in a rage gives the order to eliminate Dudayev. Mokhovik was launched.

"Conversation cut off"

We asked our interlocutors: who is to blame for the death of Dzhokhar Dudayev? They answered with a smile: "Borovoy". Konstantin Natanovich really became the unwitting culprit in the death of the Chechen president. Dudayev regularly contacted Borovoy via his satellite phone. After each communication session, they agreed when the next conversation would take place. As a result, Borovoy became the last person Dudayev spoke to.

Here is an excerpt from Borovoy's interview with the Segodnya newspaper: “I really talked to him on the phone on April 21. It was about eight in the evening. The conversation was interrupted. However, our conversations were interrupted very often ... He called me sometimes several times a day. I'm not 100% sure that the missile strike took place during our last conversation with him, but he never contacted me again."

wolf lair

The work was carried out in several directions at once, but it was extremely difficult to get close to a very cautious general, whose inner circle included only relatives. Two agents were identified and killed at the first attempt to infiltrate Dudaev's retinue. The third managed to get a job as an assistant to the personal chef of the President of Chechnya, but he was eventually exposed. Meanwhile, appointed instead of Stepashin as the country's chief counterintelligence officer, Mikhail Barsukov, regularly called the FSB Operational Group in Chechnya and shouted: "When will you bring Dudayev's head? Me every day f .... the president. He will remove me - I will remove you!"

Water wears away the stone. In the end, several recruited Chechens still managed to get close to the separatist leader. The opinion about Chechens as the most desperate patriots who are completely tied by family ties is fundamentally wrong. For money, most of them will do anything. The only question is the amount.

Initially, at the grassroots level of intelligence, the task was to steal Dudayev. To do this, the agents had to provide a corridor for the special forces. The option turned out to be impossible. Then they set the task of blowing up the Chechen leader by planting a bomb either in his car or on the road along which he would pass.

In the same period, connected to the operation, the scientific and technical department of the Federal Grid Company approached Barsukov with a very tempting offer. According to intelligence, Dudayev often used the Inmarsat satellite phone, allegedly donated by the Americans. Scientists proposed to make a device that would intercept the beam coming from the phone to the satellite, fix the exact coordinates of the subscriber and transmit them to bomber aircraft.

The approximate cost of developing and manufacturing this technique was 1 million 200 thousand dollars. Yeltsin, without hesitation, ordered to allocate the required amount. Teachers and doctors, we recall, at this time did not receive a salary for months, and the miners banged their helmets at the White House.

The scientific team included 30 people. In an extremely short time, the equipment was made. Scientists made a gift to the president. We met 600 thousand dollars and were proud of it for a long time.

Testing of the device took place at one of the military training grounds. The result exceeded all expectations. The missile hit a target the size of a stool. Two weeks later, Dudayev went to Allah.

The operation was so secret that even the FSB agents who were surrounded by Dudayev did not know about it. On the evening of April 21, 1996, the crew of the Russian A-50 early warning aircraft (similar to the American Awax), with a special device installed on board to intercept a signal from a satellite phone, received an order to take off. Gaining a height of 22 thousand meters, he began to circle over Chechnya. At the same time, Dudayev's cortege left for the area of ​​the village of Roshni-Chu. (?) Half an hour later, a pair of Su-24 front-line bombers soared into the sky, which, having used up all the fuel, but never received the coordinates of the intended strike, returned to the airfield for refueling, and immediately flew again.

Having stopped his "Niva" in the field, Dudayev turned the phone "Inmarsat" on the hood of the car, caught a signal from the satellite and dialed Borovoy's number. All his retinue was at a fairly respectful distance from the boss, so as not to hear with whom and what the president was talking about. Dudayev himself also walked away with a tube from the apparatus for several meters. The fact is that he was afraid to get under the radiation emanating from the phone. In a matter of seconds, the device on the A-50 caught the beam and transmitted target designation to the Sushki. A moment later, two missiles rushed to the target. The first one just stuck into the ground and did not break. The second just hit the Niva. According to the stories of the agents, who, we repeat, did not know anything about the operation and miraculously survived, Dudayev was blown off half his skull. The representative of the CRI in Moscow, Khamad Kurbanov, and two other people, one of whom worked for the Federal Grid Company, died with him.

The head of the FSK, Barsukov, was informed that Dudayev was dead, and that only a piece of his clothes remained from him. Distortions in the report can be explained by the fact that the subordinates wanted to impress the authorities with the result of the operation.

"With me a hero!"

On April 22, Yeltsin was on a visit to Khabarovsk. After the official part, the Kremlin delegation went to one of the local restaurants for lunch. In the midst of a feast, an officer in charge of government communications approached the president and said that the director of the Federal Grid Company was on the line with an urgent message. Boris Nikolaevich retired to a separate room. The audience heard separate phrases from there: "Is it made of iron? .. Is it true? .. Well, thank you. A hero from me!" The president returned to the table completely transformed, and even danced. He immediately took the floor and made a toast, beginning with the words: "Today we have a holiday! .." In the morning, all agencies broadcast news number one: Dudayev was killed.

The election campaign was approaching. The fighting has slowed down a bit. Yeltsin flew to Chechnya and told the soldiers that the war was over. However, the elections were held, and left without a leader and, as Moscow believed, a demoralized army of militants captured Grozny in one day, which our troops stormed for two months.

Then there was Khasavyurt and three years of anarchy in Chechnya.

Yeltsin, who promised to reward them, quickly forgot about the participants in the operation to eliminate Dudayev. But, thanks to the generals from the president's inner circle, closer to the summer of 1996, they were remembered. 100 thousand dollars of the bonus was allocated for 30 people, which was handed over without noise. But Barsukov never received a hero.

Biography (excerpts)

Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaiskoe (Chech. Yalhori) of the Galanchozh district of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (now the Achkhoy-Martan district of the Chechen Republic), the seventh child in the family (had 9 brothers and sisters). A native of the Yalkhoroy taip. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR, among many thousands of Chechens and Ingush, during the mass deportation of Chechens and Ingush in 1944 (see Deportation of Chechens and Ingush).

In 1957, together with his family, he returned to his homeland and lived in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician in SMU-5, at the same time he studied in the 10th grade of evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960, he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute, then, after listening to a one-year course of lectures on specialized training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Pilot School with a degree in pilot-engineer (1962-1966).

In the Soviet Army

In the Armed Forces of the USSR since 1962, he served in both command and administrative positions.

Since 1966, he served in the 52nd instructor heavy bomber regiment (Shaikovka airfield, Kaluga region), began as an assistant commander of an airship.

In 1971-1974 he studied at the command faculty of the Air Force Academy. Yu. A. Gagarin.

Since 1970, he served in the 1225th heavy bomber aviation regiment (Belay garrison in the Usolsky district of the Irkutsk region (Sredny settlement), Zabaikalsky Military District), where in subsequent years he successively served as deputy commander of the aviation regiment (1976-1978), chief of staff (1978 -1979), commander of a detachment (1979-1980), commander of this regiment (1980-1982).

In 1982 he became the chief of staff of the 31st heavy bomber division of the 30th air army, and in 1985-1987 the chief of staff in the 13th guards heavy bomber air division (Poltava): he "was remembered by many Poltava residents with whom fate brought him together. According to According to his former colleagues, he was a quick-tempered, emotional, and at the same time extremely honest and decent person. Then he still remained a staunch communist, was responsible for political work with personnel."

In 1986-1987, he took part in the war in Afghanistan: according to representatives of the Russian command, at first he was involved in the development of a plan of action for strategic aviation in the country, then on board the Tu-22MZ bomber as part of the 132nd heavy bomber aviation regiment of the Long-Range Aviation, he personally made combat sorties in the western regions of Afghanistan, introducing the methodology of the so-called. carpet bombing of enemy positions. Dudayev himself has always denied the fact of his active participation in hostilities against the Islamists in Afghanistan.

In 1987-1991 he was the commander of the strategic 326th Ternopil heavy bomber division of the 46th strategic air army (Tartu, Estonian SSR), at the same time he served as head of the military garrison.

In the Air Force, he rose to the rank of Major General of Aviation (1989).

"Dudaev was a well-trained officer. He graduated from the Gagarin Academy, commanded a regiment and a division with dignity. He firmly managed the aviation group during the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, for which he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner. He was distinguished by endurance, calmness and concern for people. In his division was equipped with a new training base, canteens and airfield life were equipped, a firm statutory order was established in the Tartu garrison. Dzhokhar was deservedly awarded the rank of Major General of Aviation, "recalled the Hero of Russia General of the Army. Pyotr Deinekin.

HONECKER, ERICH (1912-1994), Chairman of the State Council of the GDR. Born August 25, 1912 in the Saarland in the family of a miner. In 1926 he joined the Communist Youth League, in 1929 he joined the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). In 1933, after Hitler came to power, Honecker organized a resistance group in Berlin. In 1935 he was arrested on charges of treason and sentenced to 10 years in prison. After his release at the end of World War II, he was secretary for youth affairs in the central committee of the KKE, and in 1946 he was chairman of the Union of Free German Youth.

Honecker played an important role in uniting the KPD and the Social Democrats in the Soviet zone of occupation, which led to the creation in 1946 of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED). He was elected to the central committee of the new party. Since 1958 he became a member of the SED Politburo, in May 1971 he replaced Walter Ulbricht as first party secretary. In October 1976 he became chairman of the State Council, head of the German Democratic Republic (GDR).

Honecker, more than his Soviet mentors, resisted domestic reforms. October 18, 1989 was forced to resign. In December of the same year, he was accused of abuse of power, corruption and personal enrichment, but the sharp deterioration in Honecker's health prevented him from being brought to trial. At the end of 1990, after the reunification of Germany, the charges were expanded - Honecker was held responsible for the execution of defectors at the Berlin Wall. In March 1991, Honecker left for Moscow, where he remained until July 1992. The trial was canceled due to the deteriorating health of the accused. In January 1993, Honecker received permission to travel to Chile. Honecker died in Santiago (Chile) on May 29, 1994.

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Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Yalkhoroy, Chechen Republic. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Republic of Kazakhstan during a mass deportation in February 1944.

After some time, the Dudaevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transferred to the city of Shymkent, the Republic of Kazakhstan. Dzhokhar studied there until the sixth grade, after which in 1957 the family returned to their homeland and settled in the city of Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician in the Construction and Installation Department-5, at the same time he studied in the tenth grade of evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later.

In 1960 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute. However, after the first course, he left for the city of Tambov, after listening to a one-year course of lectures on profile training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Aviation School for Pilots named after M.M. Raskova. He graduated from it in 1966. Later he received a diploma from the Air Force Academy named after Yu.A. Gagarin.

Since 1962, he served in the military in command positions in combat units of the Air Force. After graduation in 1966, he was sent to the 52nd Guards Instructor Heavy Bomber Aviation Regiment, to the Shaikovka airfield in the Kaluga Region, as an assistant commander of an airship. In 1968 he joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

Since 1970, he served in the 1225th heavy bomber aviation regiment, the Belaya garrison in the Irkutsk region, the Trans-Baikal Military District, later renamed the 200th Guards Heavy Bomber Aviation Regiment. In subsequent years, he successively held the positions of Deputy Air Regiment Commander, Chief of Staff, Detachment Commander, Regiment Commander.

In 1982, Dudayev was appointed Chief of Staff of the 31st Heavy Bomber Division of the 30th Air Army. From 1985 to 1989, he served as Chief of Staff of the 13th Guards Heavy Bomber Aviation Division.

From the beginning of 1989 to 1991 he commanded the strategic 326th Ternopil Heavy Bomber Division of the 46th Strategic Air Army in the city of Tartu, Republic of Estonia. At the same time, he served as the Chief of the military garrison. In 1989 he received the rank of Major General of Aviation.

From November 23 to 25, 1990, the Chechen National Congress was held in the city of Grozny, which elected an Executive Committee headed by Chairman Dzhokhar Dudayev. In March of the following year, Dudayev demanded the self-dissolution of the Supreme Council of the republic. In May, the retired General accepted the offer to return to the Chechen Republic and headed the social movement. In June 1991, at the second session of the Chechen National Congress, Dudayev headed the Executive Committee of the National Congress of the Chechen People.

In October 1991, presidential elections were held, which were won by Dzhokhar Dudayev. With his first decree, Dudayev proclaimed the independence of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria from Russia, which was not recognized by other states. On November 7, the President of Russia issued a decree on the introduction of a state of emergency in the republic, but it was never implemented, since the Soviet Union still existed. In response to this decision, Dudayev introduced martial law on the territory subject to him.

On July 25, 1992, Dudayev spoke at an emergency congress of the Karachay people and condemned Russia for trying to prevent the highlanders from gaining independence. In August, King Fahd of Saudi Arabia and Emir of Kuwait Jaber al-Sabah invited Dudayev to visit their countries in his capacity as President of the Chechen Republic. After that, Dudayev made visits to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Turkey.

By the beginning of 1993, the economic and military situation on the territory of the Chechen Republic had worsened. In the summer, there were constant armed clashes. The opposition formed the Provisional Council of the Republic headed by U.D. Avturkhanov. On the morning of November 26, 1994, the city of Grozny was shelled and stormed by Russian special services and opposition groups. By the end of the day, the council forces had left the city. After the unsuccessful assault on the city, the opposition could only count on the military assistance of the center. Units of the Ministry of Defense and Internal Affairs of Russia entered the territory of the republic on December 11, 1994. The First Chechen War began.

In 1995, on June 14, a raid by a detachment of militants under the command of Sh. Basayev took place on the city of Budennovsk, Stavropol Territory, accompanied by a massive hostage-taking in the city. After the events in the city, Dudayev awarded orders to the personnel of the Basaeva detachment and awarded Basaev the rank of brigadier general.

On April 21, 1996, Russian special services located the signal from Dudayev's satellite phone near the village of Gekhi-Chu. 2 Su-25 attack aircraft with homing missiles were lifted into the air. Presumably, was destroyed by a rocket strike while talking on the phone. The place where Dudayev was buried is unknown.

In 1997, on June 20, in the city of Tartu, a memorial plaque was installed on the building of the Barclay Hotel in memory of the General. Later, a board was opened on house number 6 on Nikitchenko Street in the city of Poltava, Ukraine.

Dzhokhar Musaevich Dudayev(Chech. Dudiin Musa-kIant Zhovkhar; February 15, 1944, Yalkhoroy - April 21, 1996, Gekhi-chu) - terrorist, Chechen politician, leader of the 1990s movement for the separation of Chechnya from Russia, the first president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (1991 -1996). In the past - Major General of Aviation, the only Chechen general in the Soviet Army. Member of the CPSU since 1968. Generalissimo CRI (1996).

Biography

Dzhokhar Dudayev was born on February 15, 1944 in the village of Pervomaisky in the Galanchozhsky district of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (now the Achkhoy-Martanovsky district of the Chechen Republic). He was the youngest, thirteenth child of Musa and Rabiat Dudayev, he had three brothers and three sisters and four brothers and two half-sisters (children of his father from a previous marriage). Johar's father was a veterinarian.

The exact date of Dzhokhar’s birth is unknown: during the deportation, all documents were lost, and due to the large number of children, parents could not remember all the dates (Alla Dudayeva in her book “The First Million: Dzhokhar Dudayev” writes that Dzhokhar’s year of birth could be 1943, and not 1944). Dzhokhar was a native of the taip Tsechoy from the Tati nekyo clan. His mother Rabiat was a native of the Nashkhoy taip, from Khaibakh. Eight days after his birth, the Dudayev family was deported to the Pavlodar region of the Kazakh SSR during the mass deportation of Chechens and Ingush in February 1944.

According to the Russian political scientist Sergei Kurginyan, in exile the Dudayev family adopted the Viskhadzhi vird (a religious brotherhood established by Vis-Khadzhi Zagiev) of the Kadyrian sect of Sufi Islam:

Kadiriyya received a particularly strong impetus for development after the deportation of Chechens to Kazakhstan in 1944. In the 1950s, in the Tselinograd region of the Kazakh SSR, among the Chechens evicted there, the youngest and most radical vird of Kadiriyya, the vird of Vis-Khadzhi Zagiev, was formed. During the exile to Kazakhstan of the Dudayev family (she returned only in 1957), Dzhokhar's elder brother, Bekmuraz, joined the wird of Vis-Khadzhi Zagiev. Today, Bekmuraz is a member of the group of ustazes (mentors) of this vird. Dzhokhar Dudayev staked on this youngest and largest wird of the Qadiri tariqat in Chechnya. The Council of Elders was formed mainly from the vird of Vis-Khadji Zagiyev and other virds of Qadiriyya. The Ustazes of Naqshbandiyya were declared a "hornet's nest of the KGB", and the followers of Vis-Khadzhi Zagiyev were declared the purest supporters of the national idea.

When Dzhokhar was six years old, Musa died, which had a strong impact on his personality: his brothers and sisters studied poorly, often skipped school, while Dzhokhar studied well and was even elected head of the class.

After some time, the Dudayevs, along with other deported Caucasians, were transferred to Shymkent, where Dzhokhar studied until the sixth grade, after which, in 1957, the family returned to their homeland and settled in Grozny. In 1959 he graduated from secondary school No. 45, then began working as an electrician in SMU-5, at the same time he studied in the 10th grade of evening school No. 55, which he graduated a year later. In 1960 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the North Ossetian Pedagogical Institute, but after the first year, secretly from his mother, he left for Tambov, where, after listening to a year-long course of lectures on profile training, he entered the Tambov Higher Military Aviation School of Pilots named after M. M. Raskova (1962-1966) (since the Chechens were then tacitly equated with enemies of the people, upon admission, Dzhokhar had to lie that he was Ossetian, however, while receiving a diploma with honors, he insisted that his real origin be entered in his personal file).

In the Armed Forces of the USSR since 1962, he served in command positions in combat units of the Air Force. After graduating from college in 1966, he was sent to the 52nd Guards Instructor Heavy Bomber Aviation Regiment (Shaikovka airfield, Kaluga Region) as an assistant commander of an airship. In 1968 he joined the Communist Party. In 1971 he entered, and in 1974 he graduated from the command faculty of the Air Force Academy. Yu. A. Gagarin.